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Archives: Direct From
Israel
October
2005: The Fruity Aroma of Success
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December
2005: The Camel and the Hanukka Question
The pillage
of Jerusalem and the Temple by the troups of Antiochus
IV. An Illustration from a fifteen -century illuminated
manuscript of the Jewish Wars by Josephus. |
Despite the fact that Hanukka is not a major holiday,
it has become one of the most symbolic Jewish festivals
in Israel. In the late 1800s, the first Jewish pioneers
in the Land of Israel began to view it as a commemoration
of the regained independence of the Jewish people. The
budding Zionist movement found it easy to identify with
the battle of the small band of Maccabean freedom fighters
against the might of the Seleucid (Greek-Syrian) Empire,
which resulted in the establishment of the Second Jewish
Commonwealth.
Pride in their valiant predecessors led the early-twentieth-century
founders of the first Jewish sports club in the Land
of Israel to name their organization Maccabi. Young
Maccabi was the name chosen for the Jewish pioneer youth
movement founded in Germany in 1926.
In the 1930s, legendary tour guide Zev Vilnay began
leading an annual Hanukka excursion to a group of ancient
graves near Lod that were thought at the time to be
the burial place of the Maccabees. The popular tour,
organized by the Histadrut (the Federation of Labor),
gave rise to a tradition among local youth movements
to hike to the site during Hanukka.
The growing association of the holiday with Jewish
independence sparked other public demonstrations of
Hanukka pride, such as giant electric Hanukka menorahs
– hanukkiyot – sprouting on the roofs of synagogues
in Israel and America. Today during Hanukka, the hanukkiya
glows atop the Knesset and other public buildings throughout
Israel.
Upstaged by a Jar of
Oil
This glorification of the Maccabees was not in keeping
with the Jewish sages’ vision of the festival. The sages
were Pharisees, members of a movement that arose in
the second century BCE and insisted on the validity
of its own oral tradition. Most of the Maccabees were
on the side of the Sadducees, who were members of the
traditional ruling class of priests and believed only
in the written law. After Jewish independence once again
came to an end, the sages made an effort to downplay
the Maccabees’ role in the festival by introducing a
miraculous event: a jar of oil whose contents lasted
for eight days.
The Hanukka tradition was first recorded in Maccabees,
a collection of four apocryphal books. The first two
describe the revolt:
1. Maccabees is a historical description and
2. Maccabees, written by Jason of Cyrene, is aimed at
demonstrating the steadfastness of
the Jewish people against their enemies over the ages.
The reconsecration of the Temple in Jerusalem by Judah
Maccabee and the establishment of a festival to commemorate
this occasion are described as follows in 1 Maccabees:
“On the twenty-eighth day of the month of Kislev, in
the year 148, they rose up in the morning and made sacrifices
on the new altar. And they consecrated the new altar
on that day…and there was great happiness among the
people…and Judah and his brothers made it law unto all
the congregation of Israel to celebrate the consecration
of the Temple on the twenty-fifth day of Kislev, for
eight days year by year with joy and thanksgiving to
God.”
Why eight days? According
to 2 Maccabees, “They celebrated a festival to God for
eight days like the days of Sukkot, and they remembered
the days before, during which they had had to celebrate
Sukkot in the mountains and caves… and they took willow
branches from the streams and palm leaves and they sang
a song of thanksgiving to God that had given them the
strength and forbearance to cleanse the Temple.”
And so, the two main historical sources for the festival
of Hanukka tell us that its purpose is to commemorate
hanukkat hamizbe’ah (consecration of the altar) and
the belated observance of the eight-day festival of
Sukkot by the Maccabees after they had regained control
of the Temple.
The miraculous jar of oil, which is not mentioned at
all in the books of Maccabees, was introduced much later
by the talmudic sages. “What is Hanukka?” they ask in
tractate Shabbat of the Babylonian Talmud (21:3). “On
the twenty-fifth of Kislev, the days of Hanukka are
eight…because when the pagans entered the Temple they
desecrated all the oils in the Temple.…” When the Maccabees
overcame them, they found one lone container of oil
still sealed with the seal of the high priest. Though
there was only enough oil to last for one day, “a miracle
occurred and the oil gave light for eight days.”
The generations that followed celebrated the miracle
of the little oil jar – and not the victory of the Maccabees.
However, the truth could not be entirely hidden: a few
centuries later, the prayer known as Al HaNissim (About
the Miracles) was added to the Hanukka and Purim liturgies.
The version recited during Hanukka recounts the story
of the Maccabees’ rededication of the Temple, with no
mention of the oil jar. (The Purim version relates to
the miracle of the Jews’ deliverance from Haman.)
The Candle Debates
 The
subject of Hanukka becomes even more complicated when
we consider the Hanukka ritual itself – the lighting
of the candles.
The use of the term “festival of lights” dates back
to the writings of Josephus Flavius, a first-century
Jewish historian. Modern scholars have pointed out that
the festival falls near the shortest day of the year,
December 21st, when ancient cultures would light fires
and torches in order to expel the darkness. The Talmud
echoes these fears when it relates that when Adam saw
the days becoming shorter, he was afraid he was about
to die. When the days grew longer, he celebrated for
eight days.
The Talmud also relates that the Maccabees could not
use the candelabrum, or menorah,
in the Temple because it had been desecrated, and so
they fashioned a menorah from seven metal rods covered
with wood. A later tradition changed the number of rods
from seven, the number of lights on the original menorah,
to eight.
The issue of how many candles to light on Hanukka was
discussed intensively by the sages of the Talmud. Basically,
they said that people should light one candle, but if
they were more observant they should light a candle
for each member of the family, while the most stringently
observant should light eight candles. The school of
Shammai maintained that eight candles should be lit
on the first day, and then one candle less each subsequent
day, while the school of Hillel instructed that one
candle should be lit on the first day, and a candle
added each subsequent day.
The sages also discussed the source of the flame for
the candles. They said that it is forbidden to use Hanukka
candles for any purpose other than to commemorate the
miracle of Hanukka. Accordingly, they reasoned, none
of the candles can be used to light the other candles
or as a source of light. They concluded that there has
to be another source of light in the house during the
lighting of the candles, such as a hearth. In the absence
of another source of light, a ninth candle can serve
that purpose. In either case, that ninth candle can
be used to light all of the other candles. And so the
extra candle, known as the shamash, came into being
and it is present in all hanukkiyot today.
Though the basic structure remains the same, hanukkiyot
take a variety of forms, according to the creativity
of their designers. Most of them contain architectural
elements from the place and time in which they were
made. The earliest metal hanukkiyot – made of bronze
– date to the fourteenth century.
Another question that is discussed in the Talmud is
where to put the hanukiyya once it is lit. In general,
it is said, the hanukkiya should be placed outside the
door of the house, so that it can be seen. If the person
lives on the upper floor of a house, he should place
the hanukiyya in a window. At times of danger, however,
it is permissible to put it on a table inside the house.
In a particularly fascinating Talmudic debate relating
to this subject, the following question is asked: If
a cargo of flax falls off a camel and lands in a shop
along the road, overturning a lamp lit by the proprietor
and causing a fire that burns down or damages the building,
who pays for the repairs? If the lamp was inside the
building, it is proposed, the camel owner pays; if the
lamp had been placed outside the building, meaning in
the public area, the camel owner does not have to pay.
That is all well and good, says Rabbi Yehuda, head
of the Sanhedrin, but what if the lamp was a hanukkiya,
placed outside the door according to Jewish law? Eventually,
after much debate, Rabbi Yehuda’s reservations are rejected,
despite his high position. And so it is decided that
even if it is a hanukkiya that is overturned, the proprietor
of the store will have to pay for the repairs.
Vocal Traditions
Three blessings are recited when lighting the candles
on the first night of Hanukka. The first praises God
for His commandment to light a Hanukka candle. The next
praises God “who performed miracles for our forefathers
in those days in these times.” And the third praises
God “who has kept us alive to reach this time.” On the
other days, the last blessing is not repeated. Those
who do not light the candles say only the last two blessings
on the first night, and only the second on the other
nights.
The lighting of the candles is immediately followed
by the singing of Ma’oz Tzur (Rock of Ages) and other
songs. Ma’oz Tzur, which probably dates to the thirteenth
century, may have been written by a person named Mordechai:
the letters of his name comprise the initial letters
of each of the first five verses. The connection between
the song and Hanukka is not revealed until the fifth
stanza, which begins with “Greeks gathered against me,
then in the days of the Hasmoneans.”
The song’s last verse, which came from the Jewish prayer
book in Germany, probably alludes to the rampage of
killing perpetrated by the German knights in Jewish
communities as they marched to the Holy Land on the
Third Crusade under the leadership of King Frederick
Barbarossa (Redbeard): “Vanquish Admon (The Red One)
in the shadow of the cross,” the verse implores. Frederick,
by the way, never made it to the Holy Land – he drowned
en route.
Laughing to Keep from
Fearing
 The
tradition of playing games during Hanukka seems to come
from the proximity of the holiday to Christmas. On Nittel
Nacht (the Night of the Nativity), as Christmas Eve
was called in the Jewish communities of Eastern Europe
– the Jews would hide in their homes in fear of pogroms.
In order to endure the ordeal of this terrible night,
they invented games, which were played with the whole
family. These games later migrated to Hanukka.
Today, the most famous Hanukka pastime is the spinning
of the dreidel (top), a game that originated in India
as a game of chance. In India, the four sides of the
top were inscribed with the initial letters of the four
winds. Once the game reached Eastern Europe, the letters
were changed to NGHS: German for niertz (no win and
no lose); ganz (all); halb (half); and stahl inn (deposited
in the bank, meaning lost). Jews changed the letters
to Hebrew characters signifying “a great miracle happened
there”: nun for ness (miracle); gimmel for gadol (great);
he for haya (happened); shin for sham (there). In Israel,
the shin was changed to pe, for po (“here”).
Cholesterol Fest
Of course, no Jewish holiday is without its culinary
connection. In Israel, the most popular treat served
at Hanukka parties is the sufgania – a doughnut fried
in plenty of oil, in memory of the oil that lasted for
eight days. Usually it is filled with jelly or butterscotch
cream. Another oily Hanukka food is the latke, or potato
pancake.
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Olmert
at Sharon's desk by Michel Kichka |
February
2006: Olmert and Livni Outline Future Israeli Policy
In his first public appearance as acting prime minister,
Ehud Olmert outlined the basics of his party's political
agenda, an outline which Tzippi Livni also voiced in the
speech she delivered in her capacity as foreign minister.
Both speeches were given at the sixth annual Herzliya
Conference, which the Institute for Policy and Strategy
of the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya convenes and
has become a sounding board for political agendas.
Both Olmert and Livni stated the need for a two-state
solution in order to safeguard Israel's role as the
homeland for the Jewish people. In order for Israel
to be democratic and Jewish, it has to retain a Jewish
majority. In order to do this, we cannot continue to
rule over thousands of Palestinians, Livni stated. The
importance of a Palestinian state is its ability to
serve as the Palestinian homeland. A two-state solution
means one state for the Palestinian people and one state
for the Jewish people. This is diametrically opposite
to the Palestinian way of thinking, and that of many
in the Israeli left; for them a two-state solution means
one state for Palestinians only and one for Israeli
Jews and Palestinians.
The aftermath of the Palestinian elections is the key
to how Israeli policy will be implemented. A cessation
of terror and the dismantling of the terrorist organizations
will lead to an Israeli attempt to come to an agreement
with the Palestinians. However, if this does not happen,
Olmert and Livni have left the door open for Israel
to decide on its own where its eastern border will be.
In any case, it will not include Palestinians and it
will not include Israeli settlements deep in the heartland
of Judea and Samaria.
Two other interesting statements made at the Herzliya
Conference should be noted. Both Olmert and Livni emphasized
that the solution to the Palestinian refugee problem
lies with the Palestinian state: There will be no right
of return to Israel for Palestinian refugees. The other
issue that emerged in their speeches is that of the
Israeli-Arab population. Creating two states side by
side does not rule out the possibility of redrawing
the border between the two states so that many of the
Israeli-Arab towns and villages will be on the Palestinian
side of the line. This idea became much more palatable
to many Israelis last week, following the riots in Umm
el Fahm sparked by the death of an Arab youth. He was
shot by the Israel Police when he tried to shoot a policeman.
The agreement that Olmert is seeking with the Palestinians
will certainly put this issue on the negotiating table.
Febraury
2006: Hamas Wins Landslide Victory
Nobody had a clue that Hamas would win
with a landslide. Not the Israeli defense establishment,
not the CIA, not even the Palestinians. Hamas itself
was taken by surprise, some say it even was disappointed.
The question of what would happen if Hamas were to win
was raised by Israelis in private meetings with the
Americans and Europeans, and by Palestinian leaders.
But the Americans and Europeans, enamored with the democratic
ideal, ignored the consequences and pushed for the elections.
Not even the landslide victories of Hamas in the local
municipal elections, which were held in the weeks and
months before the general elections, turned on the warning
lights in the capitals of the world. Now it is too late
- Hamas holds the majority in the Palestinian parliament
and will form the new government.
Hamas' roots date back to the Arab defeat in the Six
Day War in 1967. Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and a handful of
operatives created a branch of the extreme Egyptian-based
Islamic Brotherhood. Their actions stemmed from the
concept that Islam is the solution to the Arab world's
troubles - poverty, misery, and oppression.
Yassin's organization started by establishing kindergartens
and schools and by offering social activities in mosques.
In 1977, he began to build the Center for Islamic Activities
in Gaza. Three years ago, he was wiped out by Israel
in response to his followers' terrorist activities against
Israel. In the formative years of the Islamic Movement,
the members of Yassin's organization sought to gain
influence by getting elected to key positions in student
organizations, labor unions, and the like.
In 1987, five days after the outbreak of the first
intifada, Yassin created Hamas - the military branch
of the Islamic Movement. Jihad - "terror in the
name of Islam" - was Hamas raison d'etre. With
this creed of terror, Hamas set out to win over the
Palestinians and executed ruthless suicide bombings
against civilian targets in Israel.
At its core, Hamas is a religious-political movement
that wants to realize its goals by taking over the government
and changing the country into an Islamic entity. Hamas'
ideology is autocratic, anti-democratic, and anti-Jewish,
and does not recognize the existence of the State of
Israel. Its political charter states that the Sharia
- the Islamic law based on the Koran - should be the
base of the country's legal system. Hamas does not recognize
the Oslo agreement, which is the basis for the existence
of the Palestinian Authority, or any other agreement
with Israel or with the West. Its strategy is armed
struggle against Israel and the West - "Jihad for
Allah" - as it is called in the Hamas charter.
Hamas is funded by Iran. Like its Iranian masters,
Hamas believes in setting long-term goals and achieving
them in stages. First, take over the Palestinian Authority,
then take over the West Bank and Gaza. East Jerusalem
is the next stage, and after that Israel. Like Iran,
Hamas is willing to bide its time, make temporary ceasefire
agreements, and carry out one stage after the other
- but it will not be deterred from its basic goals.
In a way, the Hamas' victory is a blessing for the
future of the peace process in the Middle East and the
strained relations between Islam and the West. It is
what Israeli military strategists call "a defining
strategic event." For Hamas, the victory in the
elections was premature. It has flushed the organization
out into the open. The world's reaction to the democratic
election of a terror organization that is committed
to destroying its people's democracy is the key to the
future. If the world wakes up to the dangers of extreme
Moslem elements taking over governments, armed forces,
and education systems, this will be the moment when
the tide was turned.
The Palestinian Authority is funded by Israel and the
Europeans. Israel and Europe have declared that they
will not fund a government that does not recognize Israel
and the Oslo agreement. Israel will not recognize Hamas
or negotiate with an organization that does not accept
its very existence. The election results free Israel
to continue its policy of disengagement - redefining
its borders and eliminating the troublesome connection
with the Palestinians.
Finally, there is the issue of the Palestinians themselves.
The battle between the secular Fatah and the religious
Hamas has still to be fought. The Palestinian armed
forces, controlled by Fatah, are not going to give in
to Hamas. The elections are only the first stage of
the war that is about to start. The future for the Palestinians
themselves looks bleak. It holds the prospects of civil
war, religious persecution, and international ostracism.
The Palestinians have brought all this upon themselves.
Hamas was voted to power by a large, clear, and legal
majority. For once in their history, the Palestinians
cannot hide behind their usual strategy: complain that
somebody else is to blame for their plight. This time
they did it all on their own.
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